Communist Party of Australia

We acknowledge the Sovereignty of the First Nations’ Peoples.


The Guardian

Current Issue

PDF Archive

Web Archive


Press Fund


About Us

Why you should ...

CPA introduction

CPA Policies

CPA statements

Contact Us

facebook, twitter

Major Issues





Climate Change



What's On





Books, T-shirts, CDs/DVDs, Badges, Misc


Issue #1924      July 20, 2020

Victory over fascist thugs is victory over monopolists

The People’s Victory over the fascist armies in Europe has also been a People’s Victory over the banking, industrial and land monopolists who build fascist parties and cause war.

The smashing of monopoly in Europe will weaken monopoly all over the world, and prepare the way for a stable peace organisation.

Apologists for brownshirted and blackshirted fascism always tried to deny its class basis.

The Hearst Press of America, rabid, last-ditch supporter of monopoly-capitalism once put up the approving headline “Mussolini Abolishes the Capitalist System.”

Randolph Hearst praised Mussolini, accepted a decoration from Hitler, paid a dollar-a-word for articles by Goering and Ribbentrop, while inventing every lie imaginable against the Soviet Union – and backing fascism’s war on our Soviet ally – which had really abolished capitalism.

Appeasement causes

Sir John Simon appeased Japan during her attack on Manchuria in 1931. Mr Amery, now Secretary for India, was another pro-Japanese appeaser. Mr Amery has been associated with Cammell Laird, a Vickers subsidiary. Vickers hold half the stock in the Nippon Steel Works, big Mitsui arms concern in Japan.

The Baldwin Government appeased Mussolini in his attack on Abyssinia. Vickers hold stock in the big Terni arms concern of Italy.

Appeasement of Germany was based on similar sympathetic links between capitalists operating under our limited parliamentary democracies and capitalists in the Reich.

Imperial Chemical Industries had its links with IG Farben, German Dye Trust: Vickers with Krupps. A member of the Vickers family trained as an apprentice in the Krupp works at Essen. ICI and IG Farben were in a cartel that produced Nobel explosives.

General Motors, controlled by the Du Ponts of America, owned Adam Opel AG of Germany, manufacturer of transport and panzers for Hitler. General Motors had about 20 million dollars in Nazi industry. Du Ponts own stock in the Nazis’ Dynamit-Aktien-Gesellschaft, and in IG Farben, which ties up with the Aluminium monopoly, Standard Oil, synthetic rubber. Sterling and other drug concerns.

And so the story goes on. Monopolies in capitalist democratic countries have class sympathies – reinforced by investments – in fascist countries. But these monopolists are not allowed to invest money in the Soviet Union; Socialism ends their economic profit and political power.

Fascist lovers

Hence their hatred for the Soviet Union and their sneaking regard for fascism, even on its death-bed.

Nazi war criminals, as another answer to those who try to cover fascism’s class basis, have shown a marked reluctance to surrender to the Red Army, and often an indecent haste to reach the Western Allies. Dr Georg von Schnitzler, IG Farben President, looked forward “to visiting his friends the Du Ponts”’ in America.

The fascists themselves provide final proof of fascism’s monopolist basis, Hitler had demagogically promised the German people “abolition of all unearned incomes, the end of interest slavery, nationalisation of all joint-stock companies, participation of the workers in the profits of all corporations, establishment of a sound middle-class, death penalty for usurers and profiteers.”

Hitler’s first step after seizing the Chancellorship was to hand the real power of government to the usurers and profiteers, the men who lived on unearned incomes. The Nazi Supreme Economic Council was given plenary power over German economy, and therefore over politics – and lives. Leaders of this 1933 Supreme Economic Council were:

  • Herr Krupp von Bohlen, armaments king; private fortune, £6,000,000; capital represented £15,000,000.
  • Herr Fritz Thyssen, steel king; private fortune £6,000,000; capital interests German Steel Trust, £540,000,000.
  • Herr F C von Siemens, electrical king; private fortune, £6,500,000; capital represented £12,500,000.
  • Prof Karl Bosch, Dye Trust millionaire; private fortune £2,000,000; capital represented, £55,000,000.
  • Dr A Vogler, German Steel Trust; private fortune, £6,000,000; capital represented, £40,000,000.
  • Herr A Diehn, director Potash Syndicate; capital represented, £10.000,000.
  • Herr Bochringer, director Maximilian Steel Works; capital. £1,500,000.
  • Herr F von Schroeder, banker.
  • Herr A von Finck, banker.
  • Herr F Reinhart, banker.

The Nazi Party was subsidised from its outset by big industry and the Junkers, but the flow of money only became a flood when the capitalists were ready to destroy the Republic. They staged big lock-outs to intensify depression misery in 1931 and 1932. Fritz Thyssen, Germany’s richest steel and coal baron, says that Hess arranged the first meeting between himself and Hitler, that he also met Hitler at the home of the Cologne banker Von Schroder.

Krupp – Super-Nazi

Thyssen says that “Herr Krupp became a super-Nazi.” Thyssen also mentions the big cash contributions to the Nazi Party by Herr Bruckmann, millionaire Munich printer, Herr Bechstein, the piano king. He says that those who planned in advance the corporate structure were Dr Kurt Shcmidt. insurance company director, and Dr Klein, social welfare secretary of IG Farben.

Other powers behind the Nazis were the Klockners, industrialists who lost Alsace-Lorraine mines to France; Mannesmann, Borsig and Flick (steel, coal, machines), Kirdorf (Director-General, Rhenish-Westphalian Coal Syndicate).

These industrialists, as Thyssen admits, subsidised the press, supplied editorials backing the Nazis; they controlled policy through advertising contracts and films through the UFA [film company] combine.

Cash for Mussolini

Professor Volpe, official fascist historian in Italy, admitted in 1933 that “members of the bourgeoisie contributed their personal support and money” to the blackshirts.

Professor Salvemini, ablest of Italian Liberal historians, wrote: “In the general election of 1924 the Italian Association of Joint-Stock Companies obliged each of its dependent companies to contribute to the Party’s campaign fund one-fifth of one per cent, of its capital.” The Landowners’ Association, Banca Commerciale of Milan, Banca Italiana di Sconto and other leading banks, Fiat, Ansaldo, Lega Industrial of Turin, Confederazione Generate dell’Ihdustria and other “big financial and industrial concerns contributed heavily to the blackshirts.

The monopolist subsidisers got their rewards. By 1933, the former Italian Minister, Signor Beluzzo, could write: “It is the confederations of employers and not the State who control the national economic system and have created a State within a State to serve private interests which are not always in harmony with the general interests of the nation.”

This article originally appeared in Tribune May, 1945

Next article – Australians act for peace – Powerful movement in South Australia

Back to index page

Go to What's On Go to Shop at CPA Go to Australian Marxist Review Go to Join the CPA Go to Subscribe to the Guardian Go to the CPA Maritime Branch website Go to the Resources section of our web site Go to the PDF of the Hot Earth booklet go to the World Federation of Trade Unions web site go to the Solidnet  web site Go to Find out more about the CPA