The Guardian 10 August, 2005
The debates in labour:
Lessons from our past
Scott Marshall
Coming out of World War II, the prestige of American labour was at an all-time high. Labour had
been critical in mobilising the war effort to defeat fascism. This enhanced status was also true for
Communists and the left around the world. Communists and labour were recognised and rightly
appreciated for their crucial role in defeating fascism.
US labour had also sacrificed for the war effort. Wages were held to a 15 percent increase at the
same time that living costs went up 35 percent. Plus a wave of plant closings and layoffs hit the
basic industries as war production orders stopped.
The 1946 CIO program was a vivid expression of the militant mood of labour coming out of the war.
A wave of strikes swept across the country in 1945 and 1946, including the Oakland General
Strike. The CIO program represented a united front of the industrial unions for regaining ground
lost during the war years. There was general agreement in the CIO to take the program on the
road, including the prospect of a coordinated strike of the main industrial unions in support of its
major points.
The CIO program spoke to the needs of the whole working class, not just union members. Thus, for
example, it did not focus on insurance schemes based on individual employers or workplaces, but
rather demanded legislation to establish a national health care system.
Empire strikes back
Needless to say, the captains of industry, the Truman administration, and the capitalist class did
not think this was a good development. They moved immediately to nip it in the bud. Republicans
in Congress, aided by pro-big-business Democrats, introduced the Taft-Hartley Act to gut labour's
right to organise. Taft-Hartley outlawed labour solidarity, including boycotts, respect for picket lines
and solidarity strikes.
Taft-Hartley also required every union official at all levels to sign an annual affidavit declaring that
"he is not a member of the Communist Party nor affiliated with such party". A union whose officers
did not comply could not be certified as the bargaining agent with the National Labor Relations
Board (NLRB). In effect, this gave the employer a free hand to commit unfair labour practices. Taft-
Hartley also contained a provision for the employer to call for a de-certification election if the union
officers did not comply. A typical pattern would be: a strike would take place; the employer would
initiate an NLRB decertification vote; the Congressional House Un-American Activities Committee
(HUAC) would come into town and hold hearings, issuing subpoenas to the union officers. If the
officers refused to testify, the employer would fire the officers and HUAC would cite them for
contempt.
The efforts to cripple and divide labour and the working class also had a political and ideological
side. Anti-communism and the Cold War were used to silence dissent and curb civil liberties and
labour rights. For example anti-communist hysteria was used very effectively to mute opponents of
the Taft-Hartley Act in Congress.
The government openly intervened on the side of big business to promote anti-communism and to
remove militant leaders of labour and the mass movements of the day. This was the role of
congressional committees and government. By the time popular revulsion against this tactic
reached its height in 1954 with the Army-McCarthy hearings, the damage had been done. Big
business, the extreme right in Congress and the cold warriors in the government had effectively
used anti-communism to cripple labour and stop its progressive political program in its
tracks.
Anti-communism and the CIO
Anti-communism also divided the labour movement and turned it inward on itself. Following its
1949 convention, the CIO expelled 11 of its most militant and pacesetting unions, reducing its
membership by one million. This led to an orgy of raiding of the unions that had been expelled.
Turned inward, this fight led to witch-hunts and red-baiting in most of the unions and drove out
some of the most dedicated and militant union activists. The plans to organise the South and
unorganised industries were set aside.
This was particularly damaging to labour because of the long-time role that Communists played in
the fight for industrial unionism, against racism and in the founding of the CIO. Communists stood
out as militant organisers, as promoters of unity and rank-and-file democracy. Communist are
always partisan of labour and the unions because we see them as the best weapon workers and
the people have for defending themselves against the system of capitalism, a system built on
exploitation, inequality and the rule of big business.
Anti-communism in the labour movement helped promote the leadership of those in labour who
preferred to "get along" with big capital rather than mobilise the membership to fight for gains. In an
atmosphere of inner turmoil and external economic, political and social attack, "business unionism"
was consolidated. That trend dominated the leadership of the labour movement for the next 40
years. These years of "partnership" were also years of decline in union density, rank and file
activism and labour's political clout.
Rank and file re-emerges
The left in labour began to re-emerge as a force in the 1970s and early 1980s. Rank-and-file
movements sprang up in almost every union, including miners, teachers, steel, auto, teamsters and
public workers. Black, Latino, Asian-Pacific and women's caucuses also grew. These movements
challenged class partnership ideas and promoted militancy and fight back in labour. Many opposed
the war in Vietnam. And once again Communists, especially young Communists, joined in with
other left and with centre forces to help build these important rank-and-file movements in
labour.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, leaders of these movements began to enter into elected
leadership positions in labour, including in the AFL-CIO. This development came at a time when
labour was once again under extreme attack, starting with the Reagan administration.
The election of the Sweeney/Chavez-Thompson/Trumka leadership in a contested election with the
labour movement's old guard marked a big turning point for labour. Once again, labour militants
and the left were welcome as a legitimate part of the labour movement. Once again, a powerful left-
centre coalition of forces is moving labour into a more vigorous fight against corporate
power.
Lessons for today
The building of the CIO and the organising of the basic industries in this country in the 1930s and
1940s is one of the labour movement's most important achievements. Workers, armed only with
their unity and their determination, beat back the largest most powerful corporations in the world.
And they did it in the face of powerful political and government forces, who in the service of big
business, were equally determined to crush labour and its allies.
Sounds like today, doesn't it? Once again the gloves are off in the class struggle and for labour.
The ultra-right and the transnational corporations are not in a "labour partnership" mode. They see
a chance to roll back the labour movement. Once again, the power arrayed against labour has
launched a multi-sided attack that is both economic and political. And once again, it is going to take
greater unity, greater militancy and a long view to withstand this attack and make progress for
labour.
The left and Communists again have an important role to play. From our point of view, we see a
mighty alliance with organised labour at the core, united with the African American, Latino, Native
American and Asian Pacific communities, women, and youth, as well as the immigrant community
and the LGBTQ movements. This alliance is the force capable of rolling back the attacks on labour
and the people. Thus, we can be depended on to be the best fighters for building the broadest
possible labour/community coalitions and in fighting for labour's leading role in all the people's
movements for peace, justice and equality.
The view from here
We see labour unity as the cornerstone of labour's strength. Therefore we can be counted on in
labour to be champions of the fight for equality and diversity. We will work tirelessly to involve
labour in all struggles to end racism and discrimination. And we will throw ourselves into all
struggles to prevent splits and fragmentation of the labour movement.
From our vantage point, global capitalism demands a global labour response. Thus we will be
consistent in promoting international labour solidarity and opposing pro-corporate trade schemes.
And we will fight for an independent labour foreign policy that does not allow the State Department
or the government to determine who our friends and allies are around the world. Global labour ties
should serve labour, not the program of global corporations.
Lastly, from our Marxist, class struggle point of view, we see labour as superior to capital, and
ultimately stronger. We see labour as the future of humankind. We see labour as the hope of all
people for a good life. We truly believe in the last verse of labour's beloved anthem, Solidarity
Forever, which describes labour's role:
In our hands is placed a power
Greater than their hoarded gold,
Greater than the might of armies,
Magnified a thousand-fold.
We can bring to birth a new world
From the ashes of the old
For the union makes us strong.
Scott Marshall is chair of the Communist Party's Labour Commission
and active in SOAR, the Steelworkers Organization of Active Retirees